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What Is a Palestinian State Worth?, by Sari Nusseibeh
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Can a devout Jew be a devout Jew and drop the belief in the rebuilding of the Temple? Can a devout Muslim be a devout Muslim and drop the belief in the sacredness of the Rock? Can one right (the right of return) be given up for another (the right to live in peace)? Can one claim Palestinian identity and still retain Israeli citizenship? What is a Palestinian state worth? For over sixty years, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been subjected to many solutions and offered many answers by diverse parties. Yet, answers are only as good as the questions that beget them. It is with this simple, but powerful idea, the idea of asking the basic questions anew, that the renowned Palestinian philosopher and activist Sari Nusseibeh begins his book.
What Is a Palestinian State Worth? poses questions about the history, meaning, future, and resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflict. Deeply informed by political philosophy and based on decades of personal involvement with politics and social activism, Nusseibeh’s moderate voice—global in its outlook, yet truly grounded in his native city of Jerusalem—points us toward a future which, as George Lamming once put it, is colonized by our acts in this moment, but which must always remain open.
- Sales Rank: #782704 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Harvard University Press
- Published on: 2011-02-03
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: .97" h x 4.78" w x 7.22" l, .65 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 256 pages
Features
- Used Book in Good Condition
From Booklist
Following up his personal story, Once upon a Country: A Palestinian Life (2007), Nusseibeh, president of al-Quds University in Jerusalem, speaks about the current political issues in Israel with the authority of citizen, academic, and activist, “both victim and protagonist.” His call is elemental, “for Israelis and Palestinians to see each other as human beings.” But beyond slogans of equality and freedom, he examines possible solutions on the ground. How to transcend the present stalemate? Neither force nor reason has worked. The two-state solution, he argues, is a “fantasy bubble,” an unworkable alternative to Palestinians and Israelis living in equality in one state. He witnesses first-hand settler rampages against Palestinians in the Occupied West Bank, but then there are the Palestinian suicide bombings, the bloody clashes between Hamas and Fatah. Citing Gandhi, he says that precisely because the Palestinians are the weaker military force, they have the greater power to transform, not to defeat. Nusseibeh’s informal style, urgent and passionate, and especially his call to sit down with the enemy, will engage all sides in intense debate. --Hazel Rochman
Review
Palestinians live in Israel (or under Israeli occupation) without freedom, legal rights, resources, under the constant threat of state violence; Israelis, living under the constant threat of terrorist violence, are also trapped. Nusseibeh recommends reframing the conflict and advocates that negotiators look beyond the conference room to focus on the reality in the homes and streets of Palestinians and Israelis, and envision a collective peace, progress, and safety. Nusseibeh makes a number of tentative stabs at envisioning possible solutions, and his philosophical and balanced book is unfailingly sensitive and empathetic to both sides. (Publishers Weekly 2010-11-22)
Nusseibeh's informal style, urgent and passionate, and especially his call to sit down with the enemy, will engage all sides in intense debate.
--Hazel Rochman (Booklist 2011-01-01)
Sari Nusseibeh repeatedly expresses his belief that change is possible if people have the self-confidence and faith in themselves to act. He sees his task as an educator to be one of inculcating such faith. And he also describes, in several chapters of his often moving book, a moral basis for political action that can speak to all of us. Like Gandhi, and like Abdallah Abu Rahmah and Ali Abu Awwad...Nusseibeh seeks not to coerce his opponents--in this case the Israeli people along with their political and military institutions--into changing their self-destructive course but to change their will, or their feelings. He wants them to step back from prejudice and an obsession with brute force and to open their eyes. He wants them to find in themselves the generosity of spirit needed in order to take a chance on peace, whether in the form of two states or a single binational entity or, perhaps, some kind of confederation.
--David Shulman (New York Review of Books 2011-02-24)
Sari Nusseibeh is not a Palestinian Gandhi--he is a secular intellectual, not a saint, and while he has occupied prominent roles in Palestinian life (formerly as a leader of the first intifada and a Palestinian Authority diplomat, currently as president of al-Quds University), he has never commanded a mass following. But in his short new book he comes closer to advocating a Gandhian strategy than any other Palestinian leader I know of.
--Adam Kirsch (Tablet Magazine 2011-02-08)
The ideas might sound strange in their departure from conventional wisdom about the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and the positions of leaders and pundits on both sides, but it's good policy to pay attention. In the past, Sari Nusseibeh has taken positions that his fellow Palestinians condemned--and then, a couple of uprisings and aborted peace conferences later, embraced.
--Haim Watzman (Chronicle of Higher Education 2011-01-30)
An oddly detached sense of hope runs through What is a Palestinian State Worth?; there is nothing like it in the literature of this conflict. Every year thousands of articles and blog posts are produced about how to end the conflict. They all feel stale. This book does not.
--Greg Waldmann (Open Letters Monthly 2011-03-01)
In a display of rationality uncommon to discussions of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Nusseibeh takes an impartial vantage point, trying to sort out a mess largely generated by overblown and hyperactive political identities...Few Israelis will read Nusseibeh's book; fewer still will seriously ponder his proposal. But Nusseibeh is an experienced and bold politician and a shrewd intellectual. His views, accordingly, demand serious consideration.
--Avner Inbar and Assaf Sharon (Boston Review 2011-07-01)
About the Author
Sari Nusseibeh is the president of Al-Quds University in Jerusalem.
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
lovely, wise book!
By Barbara
I highly recommend this short, wise book about the Palestinian problems! For someone like me, who is not familiar with the complexities there, it's a great introduction. And, it's balanced and wise, not the usual extreme political arguments.
8 of 14 people found the following review helpful.
Israel-Palestine Confederation State
By William Garrison Jr.
"What is a Palestinian state Worth?" by Sari Nusseibeh. Adam Kirsch, an editor with the Israel-based "Tablet Magazine", reviewed Nusseibeh's book in its 8 Feb 2011 issue. Kirsch commented: "In a new book, Al-Quds University President Sari Nusseibeh assesses what Palestinians stand to gain from the creation of their own state--and what they stand to lose. But it is not wholly clear, from Nusseibeh's language here and elsewhere in the book, whether that means accepting Israel as a Jewish state. For an Israeli to be a "patriotic Palestinian" seems to look forward, instead, to a binational state, in which Jews and Arabs would embrace a common political identity. "The vision of the peaceful and prosperous future may take any of several forms," Nusseibeh writes: "one state, two states, confederation involving one country, or two, or three, and so on."....This ambiguity is not strategic or accidental; it lies at the heart of Nusseibeh's philosophical argument. Essentially, What Is a Palestinian State Worth? is a brief for liberalism--which makes it, in the generally illiberal political culture of Palestine, a radical document. ... "Among Palestinians," he writes in the book's most daring passage, "there may well be a more fundamental underlying cultural or religious disposition to believe in the reality of death so strongly as to view life as being on a par with death, or even of far less value." So long as this is true, there is no chance for peace between Palestinians and Jews, much less for the building of the kind of Palestinian society Nusseibeh hopes for. ... The most controversial proposal in What Is a Palestinian State Worth? has to be understood, I think, as Nusseibeh's attempt to change the terms of the Palestinian-Israeli discussion. At the beginning of the book, Nusseibeh suggests that the Palestinians give up their demands for sovereignty and instead agree to become second-class Israeli citizens--that is, citizens without the right to vote or run for office. "Thus the state would be Jewish, but the country would be fully binational, all the Arabs within it having their well-being tended to and sustained. ... In any case, such a scenario would provide [the Palestinians] with a far better life than they have had in more than forty years under occupation." It seems to me that Nusseibeh, who was one of the earliest proponents of a two-state solution, is not seriously endorsing this idea. He is fully aware that it would not be feasible or desirable, from either side's perspective. It is, rather, a thought experiment, designed to challenge the assumptions of both Jews and Arabs. For the Palestinians, it is a challenge to "think deeply about what states are for"--that is, to examine whether they want the trappings of statehood or a better, more secure life. For Jews, it is a challenge to contemplate whether such a two-tiered system, with its echoes of South African apartheid, is consistent with Israel's principles--and whether such a system might not already be in place in the Occupied Territories." As many Israelis consider themselves to be the "true" Palestinians, and as the U.S. is beginning its 150th celebration of "The War Between the States" {or the "War of Northern Aggression" to its southern diehards}, might Nusseibeh's creation of "The Confederate States of Palestine" last longer than the original C.S.A.?
1 of 4 people found the following review helpful.
Peering into a cauldron of contradictions
By Sceptique500
The Palestine problem is a cauldron of contradictions, opines Dr. NUSSEIBEH, best approached by rejecting all Leviathans or meta-biological beings - the ideologies that drive our actions as they enslave us. For saying this out loud, and in a clear and articulate manner, the author should be roundly commended. Just to follow his argument is an intellectual pleasure - and a heartening message.
Indeed, we create such Leviathans - from religions to identities, only to fall under their spell and become their prisoners. Life in no longer "livable", we say, unless we pay homage to them. In order to please them, here we go about killing, maiming, and generally acting despicably. Nowhere is this more evident, at the moment, than in Palestine, where one group, claiming it needs a homeland in its tribulations, it has inflicted the very same fate on another.
In Chapter 4, the best of the book, the author calls for an end to this this, and for a new beginning based on universal principles. All human beings, in his view, could agree on equality and freedom - to prove his point he uses RAWLS' "veil of ignorance".
On the future of Palestine Dr. NUSSEIBEH seems to argue in favour of a "separate but equal" solution for a disenfranchised Arab population within one state extending from the Mediterranean Sea to the border with Jordan. He further argues against a generalized "right of return" for Palestinian refugees. At first glance, one might concur - until one remembers that this implies downloading the refugee problem on those countries who generously received them as they fled. Justice would further require that the Jewish population not be granted an asymmetry here. Such a state would then hopefully evolve over time, leading eventually to some multi-something structure that secures justice and freedom to all.
I've argue for a "tax on black" - to stop people from dressing shoddily. I'd propose here a "tax on pontificating about human nature" - to be imposed on any one, but particularly philosophers, who from their writing table muse about the essence of human nature. This is so widespread still, notwithstanding the amount of factual knowledge being gathered by socio-biologists, researchers in genetics, and other scientists about actual human behavior. I should not fault Dr. NUSSEIBEH particularly, were it not for the fact that he has abjured Leviathans and meta-biological entities, only to fall for the mother of them all: "human nature". As if human nature could be pigeon-holed into either "disjunctive" or "conjunctive" behaviour. If anything characterizes human behaviour it is its unending diversity, ambiguity, and its rhizomic links to the context. So Chapter 6 adds little to the book.
How will negotiations for a solution in Palestine evolve? Dr. NUSSEBIEH puts much store in "faith" - it could be conviction. He is right. The character of the negotiating process: if the process is more than a souk, it is creative and transformative - and the outcome unpredictable. This is the true meaning of "indeterminate".
His final chapter is a clarion call for a Gandhian approach as a prerequisite to the negotiating process. Non-violence is transformative, and it is a road open to the Arab population in Palestine. Non-violence as a moral means of effecting political change, however, implies self-transformation before it can affect "the other". The moral engagement required by those practicing is extraordinary: India was lucky that it has such leadership in the Mahatma. The current revulsion in the Middle East against corruption and internal oppression - peaking in revolutionary fervour - might make a difference. There is no better moment than now, and this book is as good as any in triggering the process among the Palestinian Arabs also.
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